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Salah Bayaziddi.

It seems that something has gone wrong with the process of Turkey's application, and most obviously it has gone in a much different direction from the rest of 27 members of the EU so far. Therefore, it is a logical question for many political scientists, people around the world, and also Turkish people themselves to ask: Why is Turkey's application for joining the EU taking so long to proceed? As an important precondition, the EU has argued that membership is open to all European states that seek European integration, accept the principle of the rule of law, and are able and willing to guarantee democracy, fundamental human rights, and freedoms.

Indeed, the EU knows how to manage successful enlargements, having doubled its membership in less than 20 years. With Turkey, however, everything is different, and it is logical to argue that Turkey in most parts has failed to adapt European principles and values.

Turkey has accepted some of its own faults and barriers for joining the EU, yet it does not hesitate to accuse the EU of being an exclusive "Christian Club." It is also true that some of the most important EU members such as France have openly said that bringing Turkey into the fold raises profound questions about the very nature of European identity and the boundaries of its civilization.

However, it should be recognized that Turkey as a descendant of the Ottoman Empire has a long-standing aspiration to become part of Europe; this goes back almost 500 years.

When the Ottoman Empire conquered Constantinople in 1453, this extraordinary development cemented the status of the Empire as the preeminent power in Southeastern Europe and the eastern Mediterranean. The Ottoman also conquered Hungary, but their failure to take the city of Vienna after the onset of winter forced them to retreat from further advance toward the north of Europe. By the end of the 19th century, the Ottoman Empire lost most of its European territories (mostly in Balkan); and while the European nations emerged as powerful colonial powers, the Ottoman had became so weak that it was named the "Sick Man of Europe." The fall of the Ottoman Empire following the First World War resulted in dismemberment of its North African, Middle Eastern, and some European territories, and at the time it looked like the new Turkish state would never have a place in Europe. Nevertheless, this was not the case--and the new global developments by the end of the Second World War had brought the new temptation for the Turks; this resulted in their new quest to join the European entity once again.

The rise of the Cold War and the so-called threat of the expansion of Communism in the world paved the way for the emergence of Turkey as an important and strategic ally of the West. After the end of World War II when Europe was marked by unprecedented devastation and human suffering Turkey took great advantage of that and allied itself with the United States and Western Europe. In following this policy, Turkey took part in the economic reconstruction plan of Western Europe known as the Marshal Plan in 1947; this resulted in significant economic and social changes of this country in the years that followed. This new economic cooperation among the nations of Western Europe favored the long-held idea of European integration through the creation of common institutions. Therefore, the Council of Europe was founded on 5 May 1949 by the Treaty of London. The aim of the Council of Europe was to achieve greater unity between its members for the purpose of safeguarding and realizing the ideals and principles that are their common heritage, and facilitating their economic and social progress. In its aspiration to become part of Europe, Turkey joined the Council of Europe in 1949 and became a full member of NATO in 1952 in order to become step by step closer to what can be called the European identity within the framework of the EU.

Throughout the last half a century, a virtual domination of Turkey's military junta in government as a strong defender of Kemalism ideology and an unstable political environment caused this country to remain behind the wall of Europe. The military adventures of the Turkish junta worsened when Turkey invaded the island of Cyprus in 1974, which brought Turkey to the edge of a full military confrontation with Greece, another NATO member and an old enemy of Turkey throughout the modern history of Europe. Since then, the future of the divided island of Cyprus has been one of the major obstacles on the road of Turkey's membership in the EU. Indeed, the uncompromised stand of Turkey on the Cyprus issue has been a decisive factor in the falling behind of negotiation process and membership talks with Ankara. The EU demands official recognition of Cyprus (a full member of the EU) by Turkey and this island's access to Turkish harbors and airports, but this conflict remains unresolved.

The military coup d'état of the Turkish junta on 12 September 1980 was another source of tension between Turkey and her European counterparts, and resulted in virtual frozen relations between them.

A few years later, a full-scale military confrontation with the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) and enormous cases of human rights abuses of Kurds have also been the most recent factors behind Turkey's prolonged application process. Indeed, Turkey cannot join the EU as a full member without a proper restructuring of its Constitution and judicial system and a complete change of attitude in regards to the rights of the Kurdish population. The EU openly opposed the execution of Abdullah Ocalan (the PKK leader). Thus, the much-needed political and economic reforms should be carried out in Kurdish areas that are devastated by 20 years of war and more than seven decades of repression. The percentage of the Kurdish population in Turkey is higher than the percentage of other minorities in each of the European countries, but Kurds have no recognized status or rights in Turkey. The Scots, for example, with less than half the population of Kurds in Turkey, have their MEPs who are present in the EU Parliament and in the EU decision-making process. Since 1999, Turkey has been considered an EU candidate, and the EU should pressure Turkey for an immediate recognition of Kurdish national rights. If the EU grants full membership to Turkey and does not involve Kurds in the process, it would only import the war of Kurdish national struggle into the EU territory. Nevertheless, It is crucial to mention that the recent policy of "Democratic Initiatives" by the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan is seen as a primary step toward the "Kurdish opening" in Turkey.

Another argument is rooted in the age-old debate on whether it is possible to establish geographic borders for Europe, and whether Turkey "fits" within these borders. In line with this argument, some European leaders-particularly, President Nicolas Sarkozy of France make no secret of their unease. Since winning power in 2007, Mr. Sarkozy has hardened France's position on Turkey's accession into an outright "NO." Earlier this year, he urged European leaders to stop "lying" about Turkey's chances of achieving full membership and declared that he would not "tell French schoolchildren that the borders of Europe extend to Syria and Iraq." Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor, quietly agrees with him. No doubt, this is seen by many as a dispute that rests on philosophical and intellectual prejudgments, especially since the Treaty of Rome is widely accepted to aim for the construction of a union of European states based on shared common values. Turkey's chance to join the EU has worsened because the first president of the EU, Belgian Herman Van Rompuy who is also a hard-line opponent of Turkey's bid to join the EU believes that Turkey is an Islamic country. Speaking five years ago as an opposition politician, Mr. Rompuy, a Christian Democrat, argued that Muslim Turkey could not be considered a candidate for EU membership. Now, it can be argued if someone sees this as bound up with ethnicity, history, geography, and put bluntly a Christian heritage.

However, this is not end of the road for Turkey's aspiration to join the EU, because there are some strong voices within the EU that see a different vision for the future of Europe. This group, especially Gordon Brown, the British Prime Minister, sees the European identity as common values such as democracy, human rights, religious and political tolerance (especially minority rights), and the rule of law. Therefore, any country within Europe's boundaries that embraces this way of life should be considered a potential candidate by virtue of this choice, and is therefore eligible for EU membership.

In line with this vision for the enlargement of the EU, there is great hope that the prospect of EU membership will reinforce Turkey's secular democracy and eventually will lead directly to fundamental reforms, notably the proper restructuring of its Constitution and judicial system, and most importantly granting the political and cultural rights of the Kurds. It has also been argued that allowing the country into the EU could ease relations between Islam and the West, and help Turkey to export its success to the world's most troubled region. At the end, it should be mentioned that Turkey should not give up its longstanding dream of achieving a European identity; therefore, it is so crucial to continue further democratic reforms that are required by the EU. This is the only way Turkey can pave its road toward Europe.